Colombian President Gustavo Petro (R), waves upon arrival at an event to sign the labor reform law in Bogota, Colombia on June 25. Petro signed the labor reform law five days after Congress approved the initiative, which became one of his administration’s biggest legislative victories. Photo by Mauricio Duenas Castaneda/EPA
With approval ratings falling and key reforms stalled in Congress, Colombian President Gustavo Petro enters the final year of his term facing a surge in illegal armed groups, growing tensions with the United States and continued cabinet turnover.
Petro’s signature “total peace” policy — central to his security strategy — has drawn sharp criticism as Colombia contends with mass displacement, the killings of community leaders and weakened government institutions.
“With 11 months until the May 31, 2026, presidential election, Petro’s administration is entering an early final stage. There’s political fatigue, and many promises have amounted to little more than good intentions,” said Rafael Botero, director of the School of Public Management in Bogotá.
One of Petro’s most persistent challenges has been his strained relationship with Colombia’s Congress. The ambitious reforms he promised during his campaign — focused on healthcare, pensions and labor — have stalled in a fragmented legislature in which the opposition has grown increasingly unified.
“The lack of a solid majority has forced the government into complex negotiations and concessions that have slowed, and in some cases stalled, progress on its legislative agenda. This paralysis has frustrated Petro’s electoral base and has been used by the opposition as proof of the government’s ineffectiveness,” Botero said.
Petro’s “total peace” policy — his central approach to ending Colombia’s armed conflict through dialogue with all illegal groups — has been criticized as vague and ineffective, weakening state authority without securing meaningful progress toward demobilization or territorial justice.
Although Petro reached cease-fire agreements with armed groups, including the National Liberation Army, or ELN, and FARC dissidents, those deals have not led to any meaningful improvement in public safety.
In 2024, violence surged across Colombia. More than 50,000 people were displaced and more than 138,000 confined to their homes and hundreds of disappearances, according to the United Nations and the International Committee of the Red Cross. Hundreds of people have gone missing, and attacks on healthcare services have increased.
Mass killings also have increased. Between January and September 2024, 47 massacres left 168 victims, according to the INDEPAZ observatory. The data suggests that violence is not just rising — it is diversifying and spreading into new regions.
In addition, the absence of tangible results on the ground has fueled a perception of impunity and leniency toward armed groups.
Organizations, including Human Rights Watch and the Peace and Reconciliation Foundation, warn that these groups have taken advantage of cease-fires to expand their presence, recruit minors for criminal activities, control illegal economies and co-opt local communities.
The resignation of Colombia’s foreign minister, Laura Sarabia, on July 3 shook the country’s already turbulent political landscape. Political analysts cite tensions with the presidency over sensitive issues, including Colombia’s positions on international conflicts, its alignment with geopolitical blocs such as BRICS and its handling of bilateral crises that may have strained cabinet unity.
“The foreign minister’s departure not only creates a void in the country’s foreign policy leadership, but also signals a possible rift within the government’s inner circle,” Botero said.
Relations with the United States have been strained following controversial remarks by the Colombian president, who criticized Washington’s migration and anti-drug policies. Although Petro recently sent a letter of clarification to President Donald Trump, diplomatic tensions remain high, raising concerns over key bilateral agreements and strategic cooperation.
Meanwhile, public opinion in Colombia shows growing signs of discontent. A June Opinómetro poll found that 63.1% of respondents disapprove of the way Petro is running the country, while just 30.1% approve of his performance.
According to an Invamer poll conducted June 7 to 16, Petro’s disapproval rating rose in June to 64% from 57% in April, while approval fell to 29% — the second-lowest level since he took office.
The shift comes amid growing political and social unrest following the attempted assassination of presidential pre-candidate Miguel Uribe Turbay. The attack deepened political divisions and reinforced the perception of instability in the country.
“Unfortunately, Petro’s government isn’t leaving behind any infrastructure projects people will remember,” said Sergio Escobar, executive director of the Medellín Global Center for Strategic International Studies..
“There were only ideas — like a rail line from Buenaventura on the Pacific to Barranquilla on the Atlantic, a superhighway, passenger trains linking the center of the country to the north, just to name a few. All logical, all necessary — but at no point did the national government show any serious intent to implement them.”
